Thomas Piketty’s recent book Capital in the Twenty First
Century has gotten rave reviews and has been proclaimed by many liberal and
progressive pundits and scholars as the best thing since Marx. Piketty’s central claim is that the return on
capital (investments, real estate, rents) will always exceed the return on
labor unless some extraordinary shock occurs, like a world war or
depression. In laymen terms, this means
that rich people who can inherit and invest their wealth will always make more
than everyone else who has to earn their money through labor. The solution
Piketty proposes to this inevitable growth in inequality is a global wealth
tax, which he himself says is utopian and unlikely.
So why is this book so popular with liberals? One possible reason is that it displays moral
indignity in the face of wealth inequality, but it does not ask any of us to
change or do anything. It also gives the
reader a strong sense of historical knowledge of the global economy, but this
understanding is plagued by several glaring blind spots. As Thomas Frank has pointed out, in a book on
labor and capital that goes on for close to 700 pages, the role of unions is
barely mentioned. Moreover, the
incredible destructive nature of the 2008 global financial meltdown is also
ignored, and most of his statistics only focus on a small number of countries,
and this is due to his reliance on a narrow set of tax data. In short, Piketty is blinded by his own
limited source of information and his own ideology. Although he looks like a Occupy Wall Street
proponent, he really is locked into a moderate austerity mindset.
Since he believes that the only thing that can cause income
from labor to exceed wealth from investments and inheritance is a war or massive
depression, he promotes the logic of austerity: we will never have strong
economic growth, so all we can do is try to tax the wealthy and reduce social
benefits like pensions. If this
austerity logic sounds familiar, it is what is driving the thinking of the
White House and the State House.
What is missing from this austerity of imagination is any
hope that we could expand economic growth by increasing the wages of working
people. While Piketty justifies the Federal
Reserve lending trillions of dollars to banks and corporations to stabilize
their books, he does not even ponder how some of this money could have been
used to refinance mortgages or student debt.
Like Piketty, the Fed does not think that the government can do anything
to spur economic growth and job creation, and so the only alternative is to
feed money to the investment class who have decided that we no longer need
consumers or workers since businesses and banks can make money by just buying
back their own stocks from cheap government loans.
What we need are policies that help to create better high
paying jobs so we can increase consumer demand and create even more economic
growth. However, companies have found
that they can increase their profits, stock valuation, and executive compensation
by reducing labor costs, and this is done in part by hiring people part-time
with low wages and no benefits. Since
most workers do not have any bargaining power and do not belong to unions,
there is a global race to the bottom as everyone loses ground to inflation
except for a small number of managers and investors.
A valuable comment, Bob. One might add that we have taken small, inadequate, but essential measures against income precarity by loosening the link between employment and income for the elderly and disabled and, modestly, through the EITC. We need to think about a future in which more and more people must find income security elsewhere than from paid labor at starvation wages. Mary Furner
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